BUDAPEST, Hungary Nestled atop a cobblestone hill that provides a stunning view of the Danube River and the historic alleys of Budapest, tourists gather to witness a changing of the guard ceremony in front of a grand 13th-century baroque castle. Just a stone's throw away, construction crews are busy refurbishing a centuries-old palace complex. Here, Akos Hadhazy, a politician and veterinarian, guides a different kind of tour, one steeped in allegations of corruption under Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbans regime.

"We are at Buda Castle, and if you are searching for a symbolic venue that encapsulates corruption, power, and the squandering of public funds, then look no further than here," Hadhazy asserts, as a group of Chinese tourists meanders past. Hadhazy, who serves as an independent member of Hungarys parliament, often leads tours that highlight what he and many others believe to be the systemic corruption of Orbans government.

Pointing to the iconic parliament building across the river, Hadhazy explains, "The offices for the Prime Minister and his cabinet used to be located down there, but Orban decided that he wanted to move into a castle. Even Matyas Rakosi, Hungary's most notorious communist dictator, opted against such a move, but Orban seems intent on playing king. This decision means that the National Gallery will eventually be forced out to make space for him."

According to Hadhazy, the ongoing construction symbolizes Orban's strategy of granting lucrative contracts to his loyalists, while simultaneously providing him with a vantage point to watch over his "kingdom" from this historic perch above the capital.

At 61, Orban is now serving his fourth consecutive term as Prime Minister. Throughout his tenure, he and his allies have systematically dismantled the checks and balances that underpin a democracy, seizing control over media, civil society, and educational institutions, thereby consolidating power within himself and his ruling Fidesz party. This erosion of democratic structures has captivated political scientists globally, including those who advised the previous Trump administration.

Hadhazy indicates that understanding Orban's political maneuvering is not particularly challenging. "Orban is not a political mastermind; he merely borrowed his playbook from Vladimir Putin. When Putin ascended to power amid soaring oil prices, he directed that wealth towards oligarchs who, in turn, purchased Russias independent media. Orban has adapted that model for Hungary, albeit utilizing European Union funds instead," Hadhazy explains.

In 2022, the EU initiated the freezing of funds directed to Hungary, although these measures came too late for the nations media landscape, which was largely under Orbans control by then. According to Hungarian investigative journalist Andras Petho, the media was the first target when Orbans Fidesz party regained power in 2010. The very first legislation they introduced was the media law, designed to overhaul the media regulatory framework, he recalls.

Petho, who runs the investigative reporting center Direkt36 in Budapest, alleges that Orbans government wasted no time in facilitating the acquisition of media companies by allies of the Prime Minister. Concurrently, Petho notes, the structure of Hungary's public media was reshaped to facilitate a purge of anyone perceived as unfriendly to the government. He recounts how his former employer, Origo, a formerly respected digital news site, was sold to a company owned by the son of the central bank governor. Over time, Origo devolved into a propaganda outlet. "The new publisher began making bizarre requests, asking us to remove critical articles, and when we resisted, the situation escalated rapidly," he adds.

Petho ultimately left Origo, joining the ranks of many journalists who have resigned in protest. What remains of Hungary's free press exists in pockets scattered throughout the capital. In a modest apartment in central Budapest, a collective of journalists from shuttered newspapers have banded together to launch Magyar Hang, or Hungarian Voice.

"We weren't able to find anyone brave enough to print in Hungary, so we had to seek out a printing company abroad," says Csaba Lukacs, the managing director of the weekly publication. "Our newspaper is printed in Slovakia, and each week we must arrange for the transport of our issues back to Hungary." Lukacs asserts that Hungarian Voice is the only conservative newspaper that does not operate as part of the state propaganda system. "We don't receive advertising from even multinational companies due to fears of potential repercussions from tax authorities or other government entities, and our journalists are barred from attending government press conferences," he reveals.

Lukacs further explains that the government has eroded press freedoms through a gradual, calculated process. "We are not yet at the point of Turkey, where journalists are jailed, nor are we in Russia, where people fall from windows under mysterious circumstances. But with each passing day, we inch closer to those realities," he laments.

In a classroom at Central European University, Professor Agnes Kende poses a thought-provoking question: What defines a dictatorship? Her students, mostly middle-aged adults, engage in a discussion, with one student noting, In a dictatorship, power is concentrated within a single family. Another student adds, In a dictatorship, the power is centralized, while in a democracy, it's more diffused.

After some discussion, they break into smaller groups to dissect significant speeches from past dictators like Stalin, Hitler, and Mao. This course is part of the Socrates Program at Central European University, which has been forced to relocate its degree programs to Vienna after Orbans government enacted a law in 2017 that imposed stricter regulations on foreign universities operating in Hungary.

Despite the challenges we face, says Laszlo Kontler, Pro-Rector of CEU Budapest, we remain committed to engaging with civil society and academic partners accumulated over three decades. Our connections, while strained, are not entirely severed. Kontler, who also teaches history, explains that Orban's government has not only expelled foreign universities but has also infiltrated state institutions by appointing chancellors who possess expansive authority over finances and operations. This is merely one step toward eroding academic autonomy, he states.

Kontler elaborates that state universities were also privatized in a manner that placed them under the control of boards packed with individuals loyal to Orbans Fidesz party. These institutions, including some of Hungarys oldest and most prestigious universities, such as Corvinus University and Semmelweis University, are promised financial stability in exchange for compliance with government oversight. While there are still many excellent academics conducting credible research, the circumstances are troubling, and they clearly infringe on academic freedom, he asserts.

Amidst rising opposition to Orban, marked by the charismatic leadership of lawyer and politician Peter Magyar, Orbans aggressive stance toward media, civil society, and public assembly has intensified. In a speech commemorating Hungarys 1848 revolution against the Habsburgs, Orban declared, We are dismantling the financial engine that has used corrupt dollars to buy off politicians, judges, journalists, and bogus civil society organizations. He characterized these groups as pests that had survived the winter, stating they must be eradicated for justice to prevail.

Political scientist Peter Kreko believes Orban is systematically targeting the last remnants of Western democracy in Hungary. Kreko notes that Orbans actions over the past 15 years follow a clear pattern: compromising the courts by installing loyalists, pressuring media institutions to either conform to state narratives or shut down, and controlling universities through the appointment of compliant leaders.

Kreko draws parallels between Orbans strategy and the approach taken by former President Trump during his term. He posits that while both leaders share authoritarian tendencies, Trump has acted with a sense of urgency that Orban has not. Its as if Trump executed in two months what Orban has taken 15 years to accomplish, Kreko observes, likening it to a constitutional coup that unfolds rapidly.

In the past, Trump has heaped praise on Orban, labeling him fantastic and a respected leader, and suggesting that no one leads better than the Hungarian Prime Minister. While Orban has claimed that his party shares strategies with Trumps advisors, Kreko questions the depth of such collaboration. Hungary has become a conservative utopia for MAGA Republicansa land devoid of immigrants, where woke culture is absent, and traditional family values are upheld. Yet, this portrayal is a fabrication, disconnected from the true state of affairs, he argues.

As Hungary grapples with its identity amidst shifting political landscapes, the government has taken a hard stance against LGBTQ+ rights. Recent legislation aims to prohibit assemblies that promote homosexuality, a move that many believe is a tactic to stifle any peaceful protests. Johanna Majercsik, a spokesperson for the Pride Parade, warns that if the government successfully bans such gatherings, it sets a dangerous precedent for future restrictions on all forms of peaceful assembly. If they can stifle the Pride Parade, they can suppress any peaceful demonstration organized by other social groups, she asserts.

This sentiment resonates with many Hungarians. Following the passage of the public assembly law, tens of thousands staged protests in Budapest, halting traffic and blocking bridges in what has become a weekly demonstration against Orbans policies. Critics of the law argue that Orban is weaponizing the LGBTQ+ community to undermine the fundamental rights of all citizens to assemble freely, especially at a time when opposition to his rule is gaining traction.

As Orban nears the conclusion of his fourth term, political analysts suggest he is adapting his strategy once more to cling to power. With the future of democracy in Hungary hanging in the balance, the nation remains a focal point for discussions on authoritarianism and the fragility of democratic institutions.

Mate Halmos contributed reporting to this story from Budapest.