TAN TAN, Morocco (AP) — In a significant shift from its previous approach, the U.S. military is currently refraining from its standard rhetoric surrounding good governance and addressing the root causes of insurgencies. Instead, it has pivoted to emphasizing that its fragile allies across Africa must enhance their capacity to operate independently. This strategic realignment was prominently evident during the African Lion exercise, the largest joint military training event on the continent.

General Michael Langley, who serves as the U.S. military’s top official in Africa, underscored this new directive in an interview with The Associated Press on the final day of the exercise. “We need to be able to get our partners to the level of independent operations,” Langley stated, highlighting the need for increased burden sharing amongst nations.

During the four-week African Lion exercise, military personnel from over 40 countries engaged in a variety of operations, rehearsing tactics to confront threats that could arise by air, land, and sea. The training involved advanced maneuvers, including flying drones, simulating close-quarters combat, and launching satellite-guided rockets across the arid Moroccan desert.

While the maneuvers echoed those of previous years—this being the 25th iteration of African Lion—there was a noticeable absence of language that previously set the U.S. apart from competing powers like Russia and China. Historically, the U.S. emphasized a multidisciplinary approach involving defense, diplomacy, and development as the cornerstone of its security proposition. However, current communications have shifted to focus on empowering allies to manage their own security, a priority that Langley indicated has gained traction under the Defense Department during President Donald Trump’s administration.

“We have our set priorities now — protecting the homeland,” Langley remarked, adding that the U.S. is also looking to encourage other nations to contribute in regions affected by global instability, referencing ongoing support for Sudan. This change in messaging coincides with broader U.S. military efforts to “build a leaner, more lethal force,” which may involve reducing leadership positions in areas like Africa, where adversaries are increasing their influence.

Compounding the situation, China has embarked on a sweeping training initiative for African militaries, while Russian mercenaries are solidifying their roles as the security partners of choice across North, West, and Central Africa. Notably, in an interview conducted a year prior, Langley had articulated a “whole of government approach” to countering insurgent threats, defending the U.S. strategy and asserting that military force alone cannot stabilize fragile states or safeguard U.S. interests against the potential spillover of violence.

“I’ve always professed that AFRICOM is not just a military organization,” Langley emphasized last year, identifying good governance as a vital solution to multifaceted threats, which range from desertification and environmental changes to violence from extremist organizations. However, this comprehensive approach no longer dominates U.S. military rhetoric. Despite this, Langley pointed to successes in nations such as Ivory Coast, where collaborative efforts in development and defense have led to a notable reduction in attacks from jihadist groups near the northern border.

Yet, such triumphs appear to be exceptions rather than the rule. “I’ve seen progression and I’ve seen regression,” Langley remarked, underscoring the complexities faced as he prepares to exit his position later this year.

As the U.S. scales back its involvement, insurgent groups are reportedly gaining ground, with many African armed forces still ill-equipped to confront them. “We see Africa as the epicenter for both al-Qaida and Islamic State,” a senior U.S. defense official shared earlier this month, highlighting the growing regional affiliates of both organizations and the Islamic State’s transfer of command and control operations to Africa. The official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity, was not authorized to publicly disclose this information.

Although Africa has not historically occupied a dominant position on the Pentagon’s priority list, the U.S. has allocated hundreds of millions of dollars to security assistance and maintains approximately 6,500 personnel under Africa Command across the continent. In various regions, the U.S. faces direct competition from Russian and Chinese influence. Furthermore, local affiliates of al-Qaida and the Islamic State still necessitate direct military intervention, as Langley noted.

The shift in messaging from a “whole of government” strategy to a more burden-sharing approach arises amid rising concerns that increasing violence could spread beyond the existing hotspots where insurgent groups have gained strength and established control. Parts of both East and West Africa have become recognized as epicenters of violence. In 2024, it was reported that over half of the world’s terrorism-related fatalities occurred in West Africa’s Sahel, a vast region governed by military juntas, according to data from the Institute for Economics and Peace. This research entity, known for compiling annual terrorism statistics, also indicated that Somalia was responsible for 6% of all terrorism-related deaths globally, signifying its status as one of the deadliest regions for terrorism in Africa outside of the Sahel.

Since the onset of Trump’s presidency, the U.S. military has significantly escalated airstrikes in Somalia, targeting operatives linked to the Islamic State and al-Shabab. Nevertheless, despite this aerial support, the Somali National Army continues to struggle in maintaining security effectively on the ground. “The Somali National Army is trying to find their way,” Langley admitted, mentioning that while they have made some progress after a series of setbacks, they still lack essential resources needed for effective battlefield operations.

Similarly, in West Africa, the notion that local states could soon acquire the capacity to counter such threats appears to be a distant reality, according to Beverly Ochieng, an analyst at Control Risks, a prominent security consulting firm. Even prior to the diminishing Western influence in the Sahel, available military support was limited, threats remained prevalent, and local militaries often found themselves without the necessary tools to address these challenges.

Western powers with a presence in the Sahel have gradually reduced their engagements, whether by choice or due to being compelled out by increasingly hostile governments. “Many of them do not have very strong air forces and are not able to monitor the movement of militants, especially in areas where roads are very difficult to traverse, and the infrastructure is extremely poor,” Ochieng explained, emphasizing the challenges faced by local forces as they grapple with insurgent threats in a complex and often hostile environment.