Roula Khalaf, Editor of the Financial Times, has curated a selection of significant stories in her latest newsletter, shedding light on the complex and often opaque processes behind Lebanon's recovery from its recent conflict with Hizbollah.

In the aftermath of the war, rubble from the extensive destruction in Lebanon is being disposed of in a haphazard manner near the roadsides of Beirut. This operation is being overseen by the Dahiyeh Union of Municipalities, a local authority significantly influenced by Hizbollah, which presents a major challenge for the country as it strives to rebuild. The pervasive influence of the militant group complicates efforts to manage the reconstruction process transparently and effectively.

The Dahiyeh Union has been allocated millions of dollars in public funds for damage assessments and rubble removal, as indicated by government documents. However, months have passed since the conclusion of hostilities without any contracts being made public. While the intention was for the debris from Dahiyeh to be transported to the Costa Brava landfill, much of it has instead been dumped at a union-controlled site located precariously between the runways of the national airport in southern Beirut.

The government led by Prime Minister Nawaf Salam, which took office in January shortly after these funds were allocated, is under pressure from both domestic critics and international donors to enhance transparency in government spending. There are also calls to reduce Hizbollahs substantial influence over the country's institutions, which has been a longstanding concern among various political factions.

Hizbollah, a group that wields considerable power both politically and militarily in Lebanon, also has a social welfare apparatus that provides necessary services to communities. According to Mohanad Hage Ali, deputy director of research at the Carnegie Center in Beirut, the Dahiyeh Union operates under the aegis of Hizbollahs political leadership, complicating the reconstruction landscape. Hizbollahs health institution finances and manages the unions civil defense center and oversees its food and health inspection unit, further entrenching the groups influence.

Critics of this approach argue that involving Hizbollah in the reconstruction efforts may allow the organization to maintain its political leverage and direct government resources towards its supporters. This concern is particularly acute in the wake of Hizbollahs significant losses in the most recent conflict, as past experiences, such as after the 2006 war with Israel, showed how the group used reconstruction to strengthen its influence among the populace.

Reform advocates warn that the lack of proper planning and oversight could have dire environmental impacts. Lamia Moubayed, who directs the Basil Fuleihan Institute at the Ministry of Finance, voiced concerns that the same old patterns may be repeating themselves, referencing a sense of dj vu regarding the inefficiencies of past reconstruction efforts.

According to estimates from the United Nations, the recent Israeli military campaign generated approximately 10 million cubic meters of rubble in Lebanon, a staggering increase compared to previous conflicts. The destruction was particularly concentrated in Dahiyeh and other regions, including southern Lebanon and the Bekaa Valley, which are traditionally associated with Hizbollah and its political ally, the Shia party Amal.

In December, the caretaker government allocated $10 million to the Dahiyeh Union for the purpose of clearing rubble in Beiruts southern suburbs. Subsequently, the union issued an open tender, but rather than adhering to the required nearly month-long public procurement process, it convened in early January to approve a direct contract with Al Bonyan, the lowest bidder, who offered an unusually low rate of $3.65 per cubic meter.

This contract and the associated tenders have not been made public, despite obligations for transparency under the law. Multiple attempts to contact the head of the union for comment went unanswered.

Ali al-Mousawi, the chief operating officer at Al Bonyan, defended their bid, citing their technical expertise and the potential for generating income through the resale of sorted materials like rebar. He asserted that the firm had not engaged directly with Hizbollah but was coordinating with the union.

At a roadside site in southern Beirut, mounds of debris remain visible, mixed with remnants of clothing amidst thick vegetation. Environmentalists and international donors have expressed concerns that the rubble should be relocated to secure sites, sorted, and repurposed to mitigate environmental damage. Elie Mansour, an engineer leading the UN Debris Task Force in Lebanon, emphasized the need for accountability by suggesting that every truck transporting debris should be equipped with GPS technology to track its destination, warning that without such measures, debris could end up in unregulated locations.

While Al Bonyan has assured that the debris will eventually be sent to the Costa Brava landfill, operators of the landfill have stated that there are no guarantees this will occur. This highlights the difficulties facing the new government, as Environment Minister Tamara Zein acknowledged the inadequacy of the states budget allocation, which hampers contractors from meeting essential environmental standards. She mentioned that a second phase of operations, involving final disposal and recycling of rubble, hinges on securing a loan from the World Bank. Zein remarked, Whats better: leaving the rubble among people, or taking it somewhere more isolated? This pragmatic view underscores the complexities of managing Lebanon's reconstruction amidst ongoing political and environmental challenges.